DOWNLOADABLE WRITINGS

Full list of writings
This list of writings is in the format used for UCLA personnel reviews. It has five sections:
A: Items which have been published
B: Signficant written items that are publically available but have not been, and probably will not be published
C: Items that have been accepted for publication but that have not yet appeared
D: Items published in in-house Working Papers series, normally not submitted for external review
M: (not a standard UCLA type) Multimedia works, such as video and computer applications

Papers and other writings for download

The downloadable writings here are listed by data of publication. The notation in parentheses after the date, such as “A14”, “B05”, etc., corresponds to the item number in the UCLA personnel review list at the top of this page. Items notated “ms.” are manuscripts that have not be submitted for publication. Each writing is followed by a blurb that gives an idea of the content. The [red comment] indicates the basic realm of research represented by the writing.

By date of publication, with abstract of content

1971 (A01). "Verb forms and verb aspects in Ngizim."  Journal of African Languages 10:47-60.

[Chadic descriptive] Description of the morphology of Ngizim verbs.

1971 (A02). "Reconstruction of the syntax of subject emphasis in certain Chadic languages." Papers from the Second Conference on African Linguistics, UCLA, March 26-27, 1971, pp. 67-77. Studies in African Linguistics, Supplement 2.

[Chadic historical] A formally oriented account of the history of subject and object focus in languages of the West Chadic branch of Chadic, with particular attention to the rightward movement of questioned and focused subjects.

1971 (ms). "Ngizim phonology" Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic descriptive] A comprehensive description of Ngizim phonology in the SPE rule-based style.

1972 (A04). "Rule inversion in Chadic." Studies in African Linguistics. 3:379-397.

[Chadic historical] Data from two West Chadic languages, Kanakuru and Hausa, illustrate "rule inversion" as a historical process whereby a change *A > B in context C becomes reversed to become a synchronic rule B --> A in the complement of context C. For example, in Kanakuru, a change *t > r /V___V as in *muti > muri 'die' has been inverted such that r --> t when not in V__V. The word 'oil' < *mor shows the etymological *r in mor-i 'the oil', but without the -i suffix, the word is now cited as mut.

1972 (B01). "Aspects of Ngizim syntax." PhD dissertation, UCLA.

[Chadic descriptive] The most detailed description of the syntax of any Chadic languages of northeastern Nigeria.

1972 (B02). "Ngizimicae lingvae principia." Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic descriptive] A fairly comprehensive description of Ngizim morphology and syntax.

1975 (A13).  "Nunation and gender in Bade."  Afrika und Übersee 58:106-119.

[Chadic descriptive and historical] Renate Lukas, working with data collected by Johannes Lukas on Bade, describes a morphological phenomenon that she calls "nunation", drawn from the traditional term for a superficially similar phenomenon in Arabic. This is a suffix -n that appears on citation forms of all common nouns in Bade. This paper shows that nunation in Bade is the grammaticalization of a determiner (a convergent, but historically unrelated process from that found in Arabic) as a marker of indefiniteness. Comparative evidence from dialects of Bade that lack nunation shows that addition of nunation overtly marks gender, not overt in other dialects, by replacing final vowels of masculine nouns with long -aa- but retaining the original vowel of feminine nouns. A form called the "locative form" by Lukas, is actually the noun minus nunation, hence a definite noun.

1975 (A14).  "Bode, Ngo:djin and Do:ai in the Polyglotta Africana."  African Languages/Langues africaines 1:290-299.

[Chadic historical] Exegesis of wordlists in Koelle's Polygotta Africana for Bade, Ngizim, and Duwai.

1975 (A15). "Kandin in the Polyglotta Africana:  two languages in one."  African Languages/Langues africaines 1:300-305.

[Historical] Exegesis of wordlists in Koelle's Polygotta Africana for "Kandin", which turns out to be a mix of Kanuri and Tamazhaq.

late 1970's (B17). "Western Bade Phonology." Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic descriptive] A description of the phonology of Western Bade, originally intended as a chapter in a reference grammar that was never written (at least not yet!).

late 1970's (B18). "Western Bade verbal morphology." Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic descriptive] A description of the verbal morphology of Western Bade, originally intended as a chapter in a reference grammar that was never written (at least not yet!).

late 1970's (B19). "Western Bade nominal morphology." Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic descriptive] A description of the nominal morphology of Western Bade, originally intended as a chapter in a reference grammar that was never written (at least not yet!).

1976 (A17). "The history of Hausa nasals." In L.M. Hyman et al. (eds.), Papers in African Linguistics in Honor of Wm E. Welmers, pp 221-232.  Studies in African Linguistics, Supplement 6.

[Chadic historical] Comparative Chadic evidence reveals that Hausa has lost word final nasal consonants in all words reconstructable with such nasals, such as *k-d-m 'crocodile' (Bole kadam vs. Hausa kada).

1976 (ms). Kanuri Structure. Manuscript, UCLA.

[non-Chadic historical] A structural sketch of Kanuri, written for a class on syntactic typology taught by Edward Keenan.

1977 (A20). "Bade/Ngizim determiner system." Afro-asiatic Linguistics 4(3):101-174.

[Chadic descriptive] A complete description of determiners in three dialects of Bade, Ngizim and Duwai. The description includes marking for definiteness/indefiniteness, demonstratives, presentatives, and genitive phrases.

1977 (A21). "West Chadic verb classes." In P. Newman and R.M. Newman (eds.), Papers in Chadic Linguistics, pp 143-167.  Leiden:  Afrika-Studiecentrum.

[Chadic historical] A reconstruction of lexical verb classes for proto-West Chadic. I immodestly believe that subsequent research in a lot more West Chadic languages supports the reconstructions here in all crucial respects.

1977 (A24). "Bade/Ngizim vowels and syllable structure." Studies in African Linguistics 9:247-283.

[Chadic descriptive and historical] A description of distribution of vowels, particular schwa, whose presence is determined by syllabic exigencies and whose quality is determined by consonantal environment. The paper shows how, historically, Bade (all dialects) has shifted from an earlier stage, represented by Ngizim, where word initial CC require schwa between the consonants, to the modern Bade stage, where consonants form sequences if they can and the schwa is prothetic.

1978 (A27). Bole/Tangale Languages of the Bauchi Area (Northern Nigeria).  Marburger Studien zur Afrika- und Asienkunde, Serie A, Band 14.  Berlin:  Verlag von Dietrich Reimer.

[Chadic descriptive] Sketches of selected features of morphology and syntax and wordlists from five unstudied West Chadic languages of Bauchi State, Nigeria: Bele, Galambu, Gera, Geruma, and Kirfi.

1980 (A32). "Paradigmatic displacement."  In J. Fisiak (ed.), Historical Morphology, pp. 349-358. Trends in Linguistics, Studies and Monographs, 17. The Hague: Mouton.

[Chadic historical] Two languages of the West Chadic-A subgroup have shifted heterogeneous features of verb paradigms such that the heterogenity shows up in a location of the paradigm different from the original location. In Ngamo, tonal distinctions that were once part of subject proclitic pronouns now show up on the first syllable of the verb root, with the pronouns uniformly bearing low tone. In Bele, vowel distinctions that were a feature of object pronouns have shifted to a following perfective suffix, giving a set of perfective suffixes that partially serve to mark the identity of a preceding object pronoun, with the object pronouns uniformly marked with the vowel /a/.

1981 (A33). A Dictionary of Ngizim. Berkeley & Los Angeles: UC Press.

[Chadic descriptive] The first relatively comprehensive dictionary of a West Chadic language other than Hausa. There is an introduction with phonological and morphological information, and entries are liberally illustrated. Grammatical words with complex semantics (see, for example, se and har) have extensive grammatical descriptions. Item A111 (2009) supersedes this dictionary in having a far larger number of entries, but the 1981 dictionary has examples and grammatical explanations that are not found in the later edition.

1981 (A34). "An early nineteenth century Chadic wordlist:  Kallaghee." Africana Marburgensia 14(2):43-54.

[Chadic historical] One of the earliest wordlists of a Chadic language is that of "Kallaghee", which turns out to be a dialect of Bade. This can be identified as the Bade dialect of Karege. The modern dialect of Karege is unique among Bade dialects, showing essentially a 50-50% mixture of features of Western Bade to its West and Gashua Bade to its east. The paper speculates that this stems from Karege's earlier importance as a major caravan rest stop, which brought together people from all over Bade-land.

1981 (A35). "Using dialect geography to determine prehistory: a Chadic case study." Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 3:201-250.

[Chadic descriptive and historical] Bade falls into three major dialect areas. The dialects differ by what I refer to as isophones and isomorphs (area of shared phonological and morphological innovations respectively). There is some "leakage" along dialect boundaries, but innovations tend to form bundles that define areas, with the exception of one town, Karege, which seems to have random mix of features from its neighbors.

1982 (A41). "Questioned and focused subjects and objects in Bade/Ngizim." H. Jungraithmayr (ed.)., The Chad Languages in the Hamitosemitic Border Area, pp. 160-173. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer.

[Chadic descriptive and historical] Bade (three dialects), Ngizim, and Duwai all have similar syntactic means for questioning and focusing constituents: subjects fall at the end of the sentence rather that in the unmarked sentences initial position for SVO languages, and all other constituents are in situ. This paper describes the syntax for these constructions and speculates on historical developments leading to this situation.

1982 (A43). "The Hausa language and its nearest relatives." Harsunan Nijeriya 12:1-24.

[Chadic historical] This paper documents lexical cognation between Hausa and other West Chadic languages, noting the striking ABSENCE of certain roots in Hausa that have widespread cognates in other Chadic languages. The paper speculates on the origin of Hausa in its current westernmost extence, with rapid expansion east and south.

1983 (A42). "The evolution of determiners in Chadic." In E. Wolff and H. Meyer-Bahlberg (eds.), Studies in Chadic and Afroasiatic Linguistics, pp. 157-210.  Hamburg:  Helmut Buske Verlag.

[Chadic historical] Several determiner bases can be reconstructed for proto-Chadic, most of which can also be traced to proto-Afroasiatic, in particular, gender/number sensitive bases *n (masculine, plural) and *t (feminine) and a gender neutral *k. These determiners have become grammaticalized in a number of functions including genitive markers, compulas, and relative clauses markers. These developments have sometimes been convergent.

1983 (A44). "Kilba equational sentences." Studies in African Linguistics 14:311-326.

[Chadic descriptive] Kilba, a Chadic language of the Biu-Mandara group (closely related to Margi), has a set of enclitic copulas that historically derive from demonstratives, a typologically fairly common development. Of particular interest in Kilba is the fact that the proximal/distal demonstrative distinction had shifted to a tense distinction in the copular function.

1984 (A45). "West Chadic vowel correspondences."   In J. Bynon (ed.), Current Progress in Afroasiatic Linguistics:  Papers of the Third International Hamito-Semitic Congress, pp. 167-223.  Amsterdam:  Benjamins.

[Chadic historical] This is one of the few attempts to reconstruct vowels for Chadic languages at any level. I wouldn't call it super-successful, but it is a reasonable first try, and no one has done better (yet!).

1984 (B22). "Données de la langue gidar (ma kad'a)."   Manuscript, UCLA. [Originally to be part of a compilation of works on Gidar edited by the late Daniel Barreteau, which never appeared.]

[Chadic descriptive] This is a description of aspects of the phonology, morphology, and syntax of Gidar, called Kad'a by its speakers, based on three days field work in Mayo Luwe northern Cameroon, a village three kilometers from Guider town. A wordlist is included as an appendix. Despite the short visit, I feel like I was able to gather some interesting facts about the language and think that the description is reasonably accurate in terms of phonology and basic analysis. One feature of particular interest is morphological palatalization and labialization, whereby whole clitic groups take on these features as prosodies.

1988 (A48). "Préalable to a theory of Hausa poetic meter." In G. Furniss and P.J. Jaggar (eds.), Studies in Hausa Language and Linguistics in Honour of F.W. Parsons, pp. 218-235.  London:  Kegan Paul International.

[Hausa metrics] All Hausa poetry/song is composed for oral performance. This paper argues that an understanding of the metrical properties of Hausa verse requires attention to the rhythmic properties of the performance. The paper likewise summarizes the two main traditions of Hausa poetry: Arabic derived and influenced meters, typical of composed poetry, and traditional orally conceived poetry/song such as that of professional praise singers. [I have now considerably revised my thinking about Hausa metrics, but there are still some worthwhile points in this paper.]

1988 (A54). "The meter of Imfiraji." Harsunan Nijeriya 14:60-70.

[Hausa metrics] Imfiraji is a long, multi-part poem of religious admonition composed by the late Aliyu Namangi and widely performed by blind alms-seekers. The form is quintains whose first four lines resemble Classical Arabic Ramal, while its fifth line uses a traditional meter, "Caji" (named after a praise-singer of that name). This paper shows why this combination of meters is compatible.

1989 (A50). "Long vowels and diphthongs in Miya and Hausa." In P. Newman and R.D. Botne (eds.), Current Approaches to African Linguistics, Vol. 5, pp. 35-43.  Dordrecht:  Foris Publications.

[Chadic descriptive] Miya and Hausa, two West Chadic languages, both have a phonetic contrast between short and long high vowels ([i] vs. [ii] and u vs. [uu]) and both have phonetic diphthongs [ai] and [au]. However, morphological evidence shows that Miya treats phonetic long vowels and diphthongs as a sequence of a short vowel nucleus followed by a glide, whereas Hausa treats both a vocalic syllable nuclei.

1989 (A51). "Toward a metrical analysis of Hausa verse prosody:  Mutadaarik." In I. Haïk and L. Tuller (eds.), Current Approaches to African Linguistics, Vol 6, pp. 161-175.  Dordrecht:  Foris Publications.

[Hausa metrics] This paper examines in detail one of the more popular meters used by poets in both the "written" and "oral" traditions of Hausa poetry/song. It resembles the Arabic meter "Mutadaarik", which canonically would be —v—/—v—/—v—/—v—, though Hausa poems in this meter never have this canonical foot structure, and it seems likely that this is a native meter, not directly borrowed from Arabic.

1989 (A52). "Gender and number in Miya." In Z. Frajzyngier (ed.), Current Progress in Chadic Linguistics, pp. 171-181.  Current Issues in Linguistic Theory, 62.  Amsterdam:  Benjamins.

[Chadic descriptive] Miya has a robust system of grammatical gender. Nouns are not marked for gender, but agreements on demonstratives, adjectives, and the like show gender. In addition to gender, some nouns are lexically plural though they do not show overt plural morphology.

1989 (A55). "The reality of Hausa ‘LOW TONE RAISING’:  a response to Newman & Jaggar." IStudies in African Linguistics 20:253-262.

[Hausa descriptive] Newman and Jaggar (1989) argue that Low Tone Raising (LTR) in Hausa, a rule whereby a word final low tone is raised when it follows a low tone and is in a heavy syllable, is a lexical skewing that is the product of a no-longer active historical process. Their argument is based on a list of apparent exceptions to this rule. I argue that their "exceptions" fall into a number of well defined classes, esp. reduplicative and onomatopoetic categories, and that far from demonstrating the non-productivity of LTR, they show that it is an essentially exceptionless feature of synchronic Hausa phonology.

1990 (A53). "Re-employment of grammatical morphemes in Chadic:  Implications for language history."  In P. Baldi (ed.), Linguistic Change and Reconstruction Methodology, pp. 599-618.  Trends in Linguistics, Studies and Monographs, 45.  Berlin & New York:  Mouton de Gruyter.

[Chadic historical] Chadic language exemplify a variety of grammaticalizations, particularly of determiners to become copulas, relative markers, and other functions.

1992 (B27). "The non-existence of internal-a plurals in Hausa."  Paper presented at the 23rd Annual Conference on African Linguistics, Michigan State University, March 26-29, 1992.

[Chadic descriptive] Greenberg (1955) related certain Hausa plural patterns, such birni, plural birane 'city' to plurals in other Afroasiatic languages, particularly Berber and Semitic, which infix the vowel -a- as one of their pluralization processes. This paper argues that the apparent "internal-a" in such Hausa plurals is unrelated to "real" internal-a plurals. Rather it results from matching CVCCV roots to a template that is based on reduplicated plurals such as wuri, plural wurare 'place'. The paper provides a categorization of Hausa plurals into two types: final vowel change and suffixed, both types having non-reduplicated and reduplicated sub-types.

1994 (ms). "Text and performance in Hausa metrics."   Manuscript, UCLA.

[Hausa metrics] Unpublished (an abbreviated version was presented at the 1994 ACAL). The late Mamman Shata was, and remains, the most popular Hausa singer of all time. This paper studies the meter of three poems, one recorded by Shata and two others by two other poets, Akilu Aliyu and Aliyu Namangi, who acknowledge having borrowed from Shata's original. All the songs/poems are in a meter that I refer to as "anti-mutadaarik", but all adapt it in their own ways. See more information on this paper.

1995 (A60). "Aspects of Avatime phonology."   Studies in African Linguistics 24:31-67.

[Avatime descriptive] Avatime is a Central Togo (aka "Togo Remnant") language of West Central Ghana. This paper shows that it has a nine-vowel ATR harmony system (despite recent claims that recognize only seven vowels), and four level contrastive tones, though one of the tones is rather restricted in occurrence.

1995 (A61). "Avatime noun classes and concord."   Studies in African Linguistics 24:123-149.

[Avatime descriptive] Avatime is a Central Togo (aka "Togo Remnant") language of West Central Ghana. The Central Togo languages are remarkable as compared to their closest West African linguistic relatives, such as Ewe, in having a robust noun class system. Avatime has 13 noun classes, marked by prefixes, and also by suffixes by speakers who prefer citation forms marked by definiteness. Like most languages with noun classes, Avatime shows some noun class concord, though not as extensively as from the familiar systems of the Bantu languages.

1995 (ms, A77). "The metrics of three Hausa songs on marriage by Dan Maraya Jos."  Manuscript, UCLA.

[Hausa metrics] (An abbreviated version was published as A77 in 2002 in Hausa in the proceedings of the 5th Conference on Hausa Language and Literature, Bayero University, Kano, 1995.) Dan Maraya Jos is a popular Hausa singer. This paper studies the metrical structures of a series a songs that he has recorded about marriage as well as the way the texts are set to his musical performances. See examples of the text and hear samples of the recordings.

1996 (A62). Review of Jungraithmayr & Ibriszimow, Chadic Lexical Roots: Volume I. "Tentative reconstruction, grading, distribution and comments"; Volume II. "Documentation".  Afrika und Übersee 79:129-135.

[Chadic historical] Discussion of the goals and methodology. The first volume consists of about 170 "glosses" with a list of Chadic roots found to express each gloss, "graded" in terms of distribution and frequency for a particular root across the family. This method is potentially useful for identifying areas of spread and cross-linguistic influences. However, the reconstructions, such as they are, fall short of being true reconstructions because of the failure to acknowledge even well-known sound changes (*S > y in Tangale/Kanakuru, Klingenheben's law in Hausa) and because of the misguided notion that roots should be reconstructed as triliterals. Volume II is a complete list of data from the Marburg Chadic lexical project.

1997 (A64). "The use and misuse of language in the study of African history."   Ufahamu 25(1):36-81.

[General historical] The overriding purpose of this paper is to show the fallacy of using linguistic data to prove preconceived ideas of historical connections between peoples rather than using linguistic data as a "neutral" guide to the truth. The focus of the paper is a detailed repudiation of the misguided work of Cheikh Anta Diop, who attempts to show a linguist connection between Wolof and Ancient Egyptian (ergo, between "les langues négro-africaines" and Egyptian), in support of his theory of the cultural unity of the peoples of sub-Saharan Africa.

1997 (B33). "Changes in obstruent voicing in Bade/Ngizim." Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic historical] This was written as a sample paper for a UCLA historical linguistics course, Linguistics 110, but it represents original research not published elsewhere. Bade and Ngizim, two closely related West Chadic languages, have undergone opposite changes in the voicing quality of obstruents: in Bade, a voiced obstruent has become DEVOICED if the next syllable begins in a voiced obstruent, whereas in Ngizim, a voiceless obstruent has become VOICED in the same environment. The upshot is that, based only on Bade and Ngizim data, it is not possible to reconstruct the original voicing quality of an obstruent when that obstruent is followed by a voiced obstruent in the same word.

1998 (A66). A Grammar of Miya. University of California Publications in Linguistics, Volume 130. Berkeley: UC Press.

[Chadic descriptive] Complete descriptive grammar of Miya, a West Chadic-B language. A broad range of information on Miya is available on the Miya web site.

1999 (A67). "Metrics of Arabic and Hausa poetry."   In Paul F. A. Kotey (ed.), New Dimensions in African Linguistics and Languages, Trends in African Linguistics 3, Trenton and Asmara: Africa World Press, Inc.

[Hausa and Arabic metrics] This paper compares the Hausa use of two meters of the Classical Arabic poetic tradition. It then demonstrates that the use of these meters in both Hausa and Classical Arabic are best understood and analyzed in terms of a pattern of ALTERNATING STRONG AND WEAK METRICAL POSITIONS, proposed by Alan Prince, rather than the arcane Arabic analytical system of Al-Xaliil.

2000 (ms). "On the origin of the Hausa 'relative' aspects and the 'stabilizer'."   Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic historical] The Hausa copula ne/ce (alias "stabilizer" a la F.W. Parsons) has its origin in the determiner system, deriving from the well-known *n/t/n gender pattern of Afroasiatic and thence Chadic, which typically shows up in determiner agreement. The "k-" that shows up as a formative in Hausa "relative" tense/aspect forms likewise has a determiner function as its origin. This is the widespread Chadic determiner base *k-. Contrary to the long accepted view that the kV formative seen in uses such as shi ke nan 'that's it' have their origin in the verbal "relative" aspects, this use of kV is emblematic of the earlier, copulative function of the formative. The "relative" tense/aspect forms have their source in cleft sentences where *kV had this copular function, as in English clefts 'it's me who understands'.

2001 (A70). "Shira, Teshena, Auyo:  Hausa's (former) eastern neighbors." Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 16/17:387-435.

[Chadic historical] Shira, Teshena, and Auyo are extinct West Chadic languages. A fairly extensive wordlist of Teshena collected by a British colonial official, P.G. Harris, in the 1920's and a very short list of Auyo collected by Migeod shows these languages to be closely related to, if not dialects of Bade. No data on Shira was available when this paper was written, though colonial records suggested that it was closely related to Teshena. [A recent paper by Michael Broß, "Some remarks on the history of the extinct languages Auyo, Shira, and Teshena" has a wordlist of Shira collected by Harris in Katagum in 1921 (the list having been tracked down by Roger Blench), which confirms the close relationship of Shira and Teshena.]

2001 (A71). "Miya as a West Chadic language with V...S word order." In Dymitr Ibriszimow, Rudolf Leger and Uwe Seibert (ed.), Von Aegypten zum Txchadsee.  Eine linguistische Reise durch Afrika, pp. 435-449Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, LIII, 3. Würzburg: Ergon Verlag.

[Chadic descriptive and historical] Miya, a West Chadic language of northern Nigeria, arguably has VXS (or VOS) as its unmarked declarative sentence order. Typologically, this is of interest because of the rarity of languages having an neutral order that places subjects after objects or VP adjuncts. The paper attempts to explain this order in modern Miya, relating it to Biu-Mandara languages with VSO order and a number of Miya's close West Chadic relatives that postpose focused and questioned subjects.

2001 (A73). Russell G. Schuh and Lawan Danladi Yalwa. "Marking previous and implied reference in Hausa:  -N/-R and DI-N." Harsunan Nijeriya 19:1-10.

[Chadic descriptive] (This paper was written in the early 1990's, but not published until 2001.) When there is a known number of referents and a subset of them has been referred to, the remaining n referents can be referred to with n+Previous Reference Marker to mean "the remaining n". It has long been known that, with two referents, it is possible to refer to one of them, then use d'aya-n ('one' + PRM) to mean the other one. This paper shows that these usage can be extended to any number as long as the mentions exhaust the entire set.

2001 (D1). Russell G. Schuh & Alhaji Maina Gimba. "Substantive and anaphoric 'thing' in Bole with remarks on Hausa abu/abin."In Harold Torrence (ed.), Papers in African Linguistics 1, UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics 6, pp. 90-122, Los Angeles: UCLA Department of Linguistics.

[Chadic descriptive] Bole can use the word 'thing' in sentences whose literal translation is something like "she cooked her thing", meaning "she cooked (something) for her own benefit", "she cooked (something) with no particular prompting". We argue that 'thing' used this way is a type of anaphor--is it bound to the subject of its own clause--and that it has the effect of creating a MIDDLE verb form. We show that Hausa uses the word abu/abin 'thing' in a similar sense.

2001 (ms). "*r > y in Hausa as a Silbenauslautgesetz." Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic historical] Newman (1971) proposed a sound change of proto-Chadic *r > y in Hausa based on a number of good correspondences such as Bole mor, Hausa mai 'oil' and Bole surru, Hausa soya 'fry'. Newman proposed that this sound change affected ALL non-initial proto-Chadic *r inherited into Hausa. He explained the presence of the many non-initial r's in modern Hausa as the result of borrowing of words with r and the change of other sounds in Hausa to r. In particular, he claimed a general change of *l > r. Through comparative research, I have found virtually no support for an *l > r change in Hausa, while on the other hand, I have found many examples of apparent Hausa r correspondences with r in other languages, e.g. Hausa gari, Bole goru, Duwai g@r 'town'. This leads to the conclusion that the *r > y change in Hausa was a conditioned change, affecting only some cases of Hausa r < *r. I suggest that the Hausa *r > y change took place only in syllable final position, parallel to the well-documented Klingenheben's Law changes affecting obstruents in syllable final position. Even today, most of the good examples of Hausa y < *r are in syllable final position, and others, particularly among verbs can credibly have been in syllable final position at one time, with subsequent morphological innovations obscuring that pattern. There are, however, a number of problematic etymons that cast doubt on this proposal, particularly cases of y < *r in words where the *r appears to have been intervocalic at earlier stages, e.g. Hausa wuya 'neck', Ngizim wura, as well as some words with syllable final r in Hausa, where available evidence does not suggest an earlier, non-syllable-final form.

2001 (ms). "Sources of gemination and gemination as a morpheme in Bole." (Paper presented at ACAL 32, UC Berkeley, March 2001. Submitted for proceedings, but it looks like they never appeared.)

[Chadic descriptive and historical] Bole, a West Chadic-A language, has a remarkable number of geminate consonants, both lexical and arising in particular morphological environments. Using internal and comparative reconstruction, this paper shows that nearly all Bole geminates have their source in assimilation. However, because environments for geminate creation became so pervasive, gemination took on a life of its own, being "gratuitously" extended to many lexical items with original singleton consonants and even to certain morphological environments, where gemination of a consonant itself carries morphological significance.

2001 (ms). "The metrics of a Bole song style, kona."   Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic metrics] This is a study in the form and metrics of a song "style" (a combination of a song, an instrumental rhythmic pattern, and a dance style). The analysis is based on six performances of this song, five being unaccompanied solo singing by women and one performed to instrumental accompanied and dancing. For a non-techinical overview see Aru Bo Pikka [Song in Bole], "Kona".

2002 (A78). "Palatalization in West Chadic."   Studies in African Linguistics, 31:97-128.

[Chadic historical] This paper outlines the phenomenon of "morphological palatalization", a process present in a number of Chadic languages, and speculates on morphological palatalization as a source of apparently anomalies involving palatalization in languages that do not now have productive morphological palatalization. A section specifically on Hausa argues that many palatal consonants in Hausa cannot trace their source to palatalization conditioned by front vowels. I use this fact to argue against a phonological distinction in Hausa between medial short i and u.

2002 (B34). "Voicing dissimilation in Western Bade." Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic descriptive] This was written as a sample paper for a UCLA phonology course, Linguistics 120A, but it represents original research not published elsewhere. Bade has undergone a historical change whereby a voiced obstruent has become voiceless when the next syllable begins in a voiced obstruent (described in "Changes in obstruent voicing in Bade/Ngizim", 1997). The change affected proclitics and prefixes whose consonant was a voiced obstruent, resulting in alternations between voiced and voiceless allomorphs of prefixes and proclitics depending on the initial consonant of their hosts. In most Bade dialects, this alterenation is no longer active and has been analogically leveled to either the voiced or voiceless version. In the far western villages of the Western Bade dialect area, however, the alternation remains active.

2002 (ms). "The locus of pluractional reduplication in West Chadic."  Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic descriptive and historical] Reduplication of a root initial syllable is the productive method of forming pluractional verbs in Hausa and a number of other Chadic languages. This has led to an assumption that initial reduplication is the norm and, tacitly, that is is probably a reconstructable feature for the family. Both language internal and comparative evidence shows that this is not the case. Newman (1989) has argued, on the basis of “frozen pluractionals”, that Hausa originally employed root final reduplication. The shift to root initial reduplication arose through reinterpretation of reduplication in biconsoantal roots as “prefixation”. Bade and Miya still have non-initial reduplication as the norm. Bole, which, like Hausa, has prefixation as its only modern productive pattern, has undergone an evolution much like that of Hausa, but in Bole, the original situation has been obscured by changes affecting original non-intial reduplicated syllables. The Chadic picture presented here jibes with a broader Afroasiatic picture, where non-initial reduplication or consonant doubling is also the norm.

2003 (A79). "Chadic overview."   In Selected Comparative-Historical Afrasian Linguistic Sudies in Memory of Igor M. Diakonoff, M. Lionel Bender, Gabor Takacs, and David L. Appleyard (eds.), Lincom Europa, pp. 55-60.

[Chadic historical] This is a six page overview of the history of Chadic language studies and a brief summary of some of the characteristic features of languages of the Chadic family. The first section outlines the geographical area that the Chadic languages occupy and the history of studies in classifying the Chadic languages, accepting Newman's (1977) classification as the most plausible to date. Subsequent sections discuss shared features of consonant, vowel, and tonal systems; shared features of morphology, esp. in gender/number marking and pronouns; sentence structure, esp. basic word order and the syntax of WH-questions; and a few lexical items, both showing the affiliation of Chadic with the Afroasiatic phylum and also showing the unity of Chadic.

2003 (A80). "A comparative study of West Chadic verb suffixes."  In Selected Comparative-Historical Afrasian Linguistic Sudies in Memory of Igor M. Diakonoff, M. Lionel Bender, Gabor Takacs, and David L. Appleyard (eds.), Lincom Europa, pp. 71-86.

[Chadic historical] Paul Newman, in his 2000 reference grammar of Hausa, notes eight non-productive "remnant affixes" on Hausa verbs. My paper shows that other West Chadic languages also have apparent remnant affixes, and the consonantal bases of these affixes come from almost exactly the same limited set of consonants as those documented by Newman for Hausa. Such affixes must thus be a reconstructable feature of proto-West Chadic, and perhaps even of Chadic at a deeper level.

2003 (A81). "The Linguistic influence of Kanuri on Bade and Ngizim."  Maiduguri Journal of Linguistic and Literary Studies (MAJOLLS) 5:55-89.

[Chadic historical] In northeastern Nigeria, Kanuri (a language of the Nilo-Saharan family) has exerted massive cultural and linguistic influence on other languages of the region for nearly 1000 years. The linguistic influence is particularly notable in Bade and Ngizim, two closely related languages of the West Chadic-B group. This paper dates the period of heaviest lexical borrowing from Kanuri into Bade and Ngizim by showing that the latter languages preserve forms of the words that predate a number of sound changes in Kanuri. The paper goes on to show how Bade and Ngizim have adapted Kanuri words to fit phonological and morphological patterns of the Chadic languages. A concluding section briefly outlines the cultural/semantic areas that have felt the greatest Kanuri impact.

2003 (D2). "The functional unity of the Hausa and West Chadic subjunctive." In Jason Kandybowicz (ed.), Papers in African Linguistics 3, UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics 9, pp. 17-42. Los Angeles: UCLA Department of Linguistics.

[Chadic descriptive] Three recent descriptive grammars of Hausa (Wolff, Newman, Jaggar) have stated unequivocally that a single morphological form, traditionally called "subjunctive", is actually a surface neturalization of two forms: a "subjunctive", with modal force, and a "neutral", which is a sort of non-tense that derives its meaning from some other overtly specified tense/aspect form. This paper argues that, following the traditional view, there is a single "subjunctive" form, whose interpretation is ALWAYS derivative on environment. This is confirmed by comparative evidence from other Chadic languages, all of which also have a single morphological form used in the same environments as the Hausa subjunctives.

2005 (A105). Russell G. Schuh and Alhaji Maina Gimba. "Low Tone Raising in Bole." Afrika und Übersee 88:229-264.

[Chadic descriptive] Lukas, in the 1960's, documented a process in Bole whereby a low tone becomes high after high in certain circumstances. This paper discusses this process in considerably more detail that Lukas could, showing that there are phonological, morpho-lexical, and syntactic constraints on this process.

2005 (B35). "Internal reconstruction of the Totality Extension *t in Gudi Ngamo." Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic historical] Paper written as an example of internal reconstruction for course Linguistics 110 "Introduction to Historical Linguistics": Like most of the indigenous Chadic languages of Yobe State, verbs in Ngamo can add a Totality Extension, which has several allomorphs, most of which can be traced to a suffix *t.

2005 (B36). "The history of labial and velar obstruents in Kanuri." Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic and Kanuri historical] Paper written as an example of sound change for course Linguistics 110 "Introduction to Historical Linguistics": Kanuri was the dominant language and culture in northeastern Nigeria for centuries, and the neighboring languages all borrowed extensively from Kanuri. Over the past two to three centuries, Kanuri has undergone major sound changes that weakened medial consonants, particularly labials and velars, causing considerable neutralization and loss. The Chadic languages Bade and Ngizim, did not share these sound changes with Kanuri and have retained the original pronunciations of the Kanuri loanwords. Using these languages as a sort of stand-in for "Middle Kanuri", it is possible to directly trace the sound changes in Kanuri.

2005 (D3). "Degemination, compensatory lengthening, and gemination in Gudi Ngamo."  In Jeffrey Heinz, Andrew Martin, and Katya Pertsova (eds.), Papers in Phonology 6, pp. 1-11.  UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics, 11.  Los Angeles:  UCLA Department of Linguistics.

[Chadic descriptive] Ngamo generally disallows geminate consonants and has a productive process of degemination that takes place when like consonants come together across a morpheme boundary. If the first of the consonants is part of a suffix, the vowel of the suffix undergoes compesatory lengthening, but if the first consonant is part of a root, degemination takes place without compensatory lengthening. Working at cross purposes to degemination is an assimilatory process whereby -t- assimilates to a following n to produce a geminate -nn- sequence that does not undergo degemination.

2005 (ms). "The Great Ngamo Tone Shift."  Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic historical--most of this content of this paper is repeated and the descriptive portions are supeseded by "Ngamo tones and clitics", 2008, below] The Gudi dialect of Ngamo has sytematically shifted the entire tone patterns of words one domain to the right. This is evident by comparing Gudi Ngamo to the Yaya dialect of Ngamo and to closely related Bole, where the original tonal patterns remain. The Great Ngamo Tone Shift (GNTS) differs from siimliar tone shifts, such as that described for Kikiyu by Clements and Ford, in that the GNTS affects DOMAINS of tones, which may range from a single mora to multiple syllables. Thus, each shifted tone takes over the entire original domain of its right-hand neighbor. In an Optimality Theoretic account, it is argued that constraints may apply to the associations between tones and segments, i.e. constraints do not apply only to the tones themselves or segments, as has generally been assumed in OT literature on tone.

2005 (ms). "Yobe State, Nigeria as a linguistic area."  Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic historical and comparative] Research in the Yobe Languages Research Project has shown that in addtion to being genetic sisters/cousins, the indigenous Chadic languages of Yobe State comprise a linguistic area, that is, they share features that result from contact and bilingualism distinct from the features they share due to inheritance from their proto-West Chadic ancestral parent. More precisely, the languages around Potiskum (Bole, Ngamo, Karekare, Ngizim) form an area with its own particular features, the Bade area including Bade dialects and Duwai form an area with its features, and all the languages taken together have yet a separate set of shared areal features. This paper documents some of those features from lexicon, morphology, and syntax. A much abbreviated form of this paper was presented at the 31st Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society in February 2005.

2005 (ms). "The Totality Extension and focus in West Chadic."  Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic historical and comparative] Paper presented at the International Berlin Focus Conference, 6-8 October 2005) A group of West Chadic languages spoken in the area of Potiskum, Yobe State, Nigeria, all have a verbal extension that has usually been called the "Totality Extension", mainly because it is the form these languages use to translate Hausa "Grade 4", a form that, in one of its main functions, indicates that an action has been done to its logical full extent. However, the distribution of the Yobe language totality extensions shares virtually no properties with Hausa Grade 4 nor with extensions in other languages with a "Grade 4-like" meaning. This paper argues, from a number of perspectives, that the Yobe totality extension is actually a marker of auxiliary focus in the sense of Hyman and Watters (1984). Develop of this morphologically marked function is an areal feature inasmuch as it is shared by languages that are not closely related to each other genetically, and more closely related by geographical remote languages do not have this property.

2006 (ms). with Jieun Kim. "Tone and accent in South Kyengsang Korean nouns."  Manuscript, UCLA.

[Korean descriptive--since writing this paper, I have changed my ideas considerably on how to analyze South Kyengsang pitch accent; my newer ideas are in an uncompleted paper, "South Kyengsang tones and pitch accent"  , 2007, below] South Kyengsang Korean has pitch-accent, a feature that is a reflex of the tone system of Middle Korean. This paper describes the Middle Korean tone system and the way the Kyengsang dialects of southeastern Korea realize lexical ptich phenomena today. We describe the tone patterns of nouns, drawing heavily on the framework of Ramsey (1975), who describes the relation of Kyengsang tones to Middle Korean tones in terms of the "Kyengsang Accent Shift", which has moved the accent (first high tone) one syllable to the left. The most striking result of this shift is to have a class of nouns with "pre-accent" (or initial floating high). Using insights from Ramsey's work, we describe tones of nouns in isolation, nouns with suffixes, and compound nouns.

2007 (A98). "Bade morphology."  In Alan S. Kaye (ed.), Morphologies of Asia and Africa, pp. 587-639. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.

[Chadic descriptive] This is a descriptive paper of the inflectional and derivational morphology of the western variety of Bade, a West Chadic-B language. Notable features are an active grammatical gender system, citation of nouns with an erstwhile determiner (referred to as "nunation"), which is omitted in a variety of environments, productive processes of participial adjective and agentive derivation from verbs, and morphology on many verbs that shows transitive or intranstive use. This downloadable version is the original manuscript and differs from the published version in have a more comprehensive description of the phonology and more examples of some of the morphological patterns.

2007 (ms). with Jieun Kim. "South Kyengsang tones and pitch accent."  Manuscript, UCLA. (Now largely superceded by "Tone and accent in South Kyengsang Korean verbs".)

[Korean descriptive--although Jieun Kim is listed as a co-author, she does not necessarily buy into much of the analysis of South Kyengsand pitch accent laid out in this paper] This is a description of the pitch accent of South Kyengsang Korean, much revised from the more historically oriented analysis presented in " Tone and accent in South Kyengsang Korean nouns" above. The approach in this paper is that there are essentially three types of lexical tone/pitch accent patterns: H tone assigned to a specific syllable, H tone floating following the last syllable (which may be picked up by an enclitic), and toneless words. Pitch accent is defined as the point within a word where pitch drops, and this pitch accent determines the tones of phrases in which the word occurs (essentially, if the first word of a phrase has a pitch accent, it "robs" remaining words of pitch accent, if not the pitch accent of the phrase is on the later word). The analysis treats SKS Korean as a tone language in terms of pitch assignment to phrases (including words pronounced in isolation), i.e. the pitch patterns are not simply intonation contours. The basis analysis is complete, but parts of the paper comparing this analysis with others in North and South Kyengsang remain to be written.

2008 (A104). "Finding cognates in West Chadic."  In Gábor Takács (ed.), Semito-Hamitic Festschrift for A.B. Dolgopolsky and H. Jungraithmayr, pp. 272-283.  Berlin: Dietrich  Reimer.

[Chadic historical] A fair number of publications have presented sets of cognate items in Chadic languages for reconstruction of proto-Chadic lexicon. All of these have used the methodology of identifying similar items with the same meanings, drawn from word lists, often numbering fewer than 1000 items (aside from the the large Hausa dictionaries and a handful of other published dictionaries). Comparative studies from better studied language families make it clear that COGNATE items across related languages may have grown apart, both in meaning and in form. Identifying cognates beyond a few words that have remained relatively stable in both meaning and form thus means seeking items that share common formal elements, but which may have shifted meaning, undergone sound shifts, and accreted morphological elements. This paper, working primarily from Chadic words preserved in Hausa, shows some of the ways that cognate items can be disentangled from such shifts.

2008 (D4). "Shooting through the nose in Karekare: a study of nasally released stops in Chadic."  Department of Linguistics, UCLA. Working Papers in Phonetics. Paper 3_No107. Pages 56-73.

[Chadic descriptive] Karekare, a West Chadic-A language, has a set of nasally released obstruents (similar to the "d" in American English hidden). Unlike English, Karekare uses nasal release for t, d, d' (implosive "d"), and nd, and nasal release can occur both word initial and medial. The environment is always -TinV- ("T" = one of the nasally releasable consonants). This paper uses instrumental data to show that the sounds retain their identities even under nasal release. The paper goes on to speculate that nasal release in Karekare is related to the fact that Karekare has shifted its medial short high vowels to default syllable nuclei rather than fully contrastive vowels as are found in closely related languages. See and hear videos along with instrumental records. (Click on the link to "Sounds".)

2009 (ms). "Ngamo tones and clitics."  Manuscript UCLA.

[Chadic descriptive] This is a comprehensive description of the tone system of the Gudi dialect of Ngamo. It includes a slightly an account of the Great Ngamo Tone Shift (GNTS), slightly revised from "The Great Ngamo Tone Shift", 2005, above. A main focus is the effect of floating tones left by the GNTS, but a number of tonal processes not directly related to the GNTS affect the tones of words.

2009 (ms). "Pluractional verbal morphology in Gudi Ngamo."  Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic descriptive] Gudi Ngamo forms pluractional verbs in two ways, determined by verb class. Verbs with a heavy root stem add a reduplicative prefix that copies the first CV of the stem. Shorter verbs infix either the initial C, usually with some phonological alteration, or a default -k-. This -k- is an innovative extension of the infixed -k- that would have come from infixed C1 of verbs beginning with a velar consonant. The paper speculates that the two types of reduplication are motivated by a tendency toward creating words with alternating syllable weight.

2009 (A106) with Umaru Mamu Goge and Jibir Audu Janga Dole. "-ish Reduplication in Gudi Ngamo." In Samuel Gyasi Obeng (ed.), Topics in Descriptive and African Linguistics:  Essays in Honor of Distinguished Professor Paul Newman, pp. 81-95.  Muenchen:  LINCOM Europa.

[Chadic descriptive] The Gudi dialect of Ngamo has a productive process by which the initial CV- of a noun can be reduplicated to give a meaning "NOUN-ish", "kind of like NOUN". This reduplicative process is notable in that the reduplicated syllable must also be polar in weight to the first syllable of the base noun, i.e. if the initial syllable is CVC- or CVV- (VV = long vowel), the reduplicated syllable is CV- (V = short vowel), whereas is the initial syllable of the base is CV- (V = short vowel), the reduplicated syllable is CVV-. The tones of the "-ish"-Reduplicated noun also show systematic relationships to the tones of the base noun, though the path of derivation for the tones need further investigation.

2009 (A107-112) Dictionaries of seven West Chadic languages: Bade (Western dialect), Bole, Karekare, Ngamo, Ngizim, Duwai; also 2004 (A87) Bade (Gashua dialect).

[Chadic descriptive] Links to LANGUAGE-English-Hausa dictionaries for seven West Chadic languages, plus English-LANGUAGE and Hausa-LANGUAGE wordlists for the respective languages. These are the only dictionaries for any of these languages other than Ngizim, and the number of entries even for Ngizim is much expanded in the 2009 version. These dictionaries are the project of three NSF grants for research on Chadic languages in Yobe State, Nigeria.

2010 (ms) with Jieun Kim. "Tone and accent in South Kyengsang Korean verbs." Manuscript, UCLA.

[Korean descriptive] Middle Korean was a tone language, a feature inherited into some Korean dialects, including South Kyengsang, spoken in the region around Pusan. In modern South Kyengsang Korean, words fall into four tone classes, definable by their tones in isolation as well as in combination with suffixes and in larger phrases. This paper lays out an analysis of the classes, beginning with nouns. The focus of the paper, however, is on verbs. Most of the paper concentrates on monosyllabic roots, which comprise the majority of native non-derived verbs. Verbs always have one or more suffixes, but extrapolating from the behavior of nouns with suffixes, it can be seen that verbs fall into comparable prosodic classes. A historical excursus shows how the prosodic system of South Kyengsang Korean relates historically to that of Middle Korean. The, applying an internal construction of proto-Korean prosody by S. Robert Ramsey, who has proposed that the prosody of proto-Korean consisted of word final non-distinctive "prominence", the paper, slightly reinterpreting Ramsey's proposed history, shows how the modern South Kyengsang prosodic classes developed from his reconstructions. Returning to verb classes, the paper surveys tone classes of disyllable verb stems. The final section, which is only a sketch, shows how verb phrase prosodically with preceding objects. Recordings of all combinations of all prosodic classes of disyllabic nouns with all classes of monosyllabic verb will eventually serve as the basis for a more comprehensive description of phrasing.

2010 (ms). "The form and metrics of Ngizim songs."  Manuscript UCLA.

[Chadic metrics] This is a study of the metrical properties of women's songs in Ngizim. Based on recordings of fourteen songs (some having multiple versions) with seven songs analyzed in detail, it typologizes songs as having duple or triple meters and as having three or four strong beats per line. As in the metrical systems of songs in other Chadic languages, the metrical system is quantity based. Evidence is also presented for verse structure in some songs. PDF transcripts, translations, and scansions of the seven songs, as well as audio or video recordings can be downloaded here.

2010 (ms) with Elisha Shalanguwa. Bura-English Hausa Dictionary. Manuscript UCLA.

[Chadic descriptive] This is a wordlist of between 1500-1600 headwords assembled in 1981-82 with Elisha Shalanguwa of Garkida, Nigeria, who was a student at Columbia College in Hollywood, California. Entries are marked for tone, vowel length, and phonological idiosyncrasies. A fair number of entries have examples of use.

2010 (ms) with Vaziya Ciroma Tilde Miya. Miya-English-Hausa Dictionary. Manuscript UCLA.

[Chadic descriptive] This is a dictionary of about 1400 headwords. This lexical data was collected in 1982-1983 in Miya and Zaria, Nigeria. The main outcome of this field work has been A Grammar of Miya, published in 1998. Though the lexicon is rather small, it is fairly detailed in terms of phonological and morphological information and is fairly rich in examples, since many of the words were elicited in the process of collecting grammatical data and texts. A broad range of information is available on the Miya web site.

2010 (A119) "Review of Zygmunt Frajzyngier A Grammar of Gidar." Afrika und Übersee 91:119-136.

[Chadic descriptive, review] Review article of a descriptive grammar of Gidar, a Chadic language of northern Cameroon, by Zygmunt Frajzyngier. The review is critical, pointing out, among other things, a clear misanalysis of the vowel system of Gidar and a description of the verbal system that is poorly illustrated and organized in a way that makes an overall picture of the system hard to grasp. The review proposes an alternative analysis of the vowel system involving morphological labialization and palatalization, typical of Chadic languages of the region, and the review attempts to draw together the facts of the verbal system in a paradigmatic way, absent in the book.

2010 (D5) with Alhaji Maina Gimba and Amanda Ritchart. "Bole intonation." UCLA Working papers in Phonetics, No. 108. Pages 226-248.

[Chadic descriptive] This is an instrumental study of eight types of intonational patterns in Bole: declarative sentences, two types of yes/no questions, WH-questions, vocatives, pleas, lists, and ideophones. Basic declarative intonation is characterized by downdrift, lowering of phrase final pitch (gradual lowering with a final fall for low tone, plateauing for high), and rasing of H in the first HL sequence of an utterance. Yes/no questions append an extra-high tone and pleas append a L. Vocatives use intonation typical of phrase medial patterns. Lists restart the declarative pattern with each member of the list. The paper argues that extra-high tone associated with ideophones should be accounted for as a phrase-final intonation phenomenon rather than a special lexical specification of XH. The sound files and graphics from the paper can be found here.

2011 (A120) "Quantitative metrics in Chadic and other Afroasiatic languages." Brill's Annual of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 3:202-235.

[Metrics] This paper uses the grid framework for metrical analysis to show how two living traditions of quantitative metrics can be brought into a picture of universal metrics, viewing metrical language as comprising lines of alternating S(trong) and W(eak) positions. The paper studies in detail two folk songs from Ngizim, a Chadic language of northeastern Nigeria, and two traditional Arabic meters (kaamil and rajaz) as realized in poetry written by Hausa poets trained in Arabic and composition in Arabic meters. First, the paper analyzes the metrical properties of the texts themselves, then shows how texts are aligned to a musical grid for oral performance. In particular, the paper argues that the traditional Xalilian system for analyzing Arabic meters should be abandoned in favor a universal framework. You can see the example texts and hear them performed here.

2011 (A121) "Grammatical influences of Kanuri on Chadic languages of Yobe State." In Doris Löhr, Eva Rothmaler & Georg Ziegelmeyer, eds.  Kanuri, Borno and Beyond, Current Studies on the Lake Chad Region, pp. 137-154.  Köln:  Rüdiger Köppe Verlag.

[Chadic descriptive and historical] This paper is a contribution to a Festschrift for Norbert Cyffer. It is a follow-up to item A81, which documented Kanuri lexical influences on the Chadic languages of Yobe State, Nigeria. Despite the sharp typological differences between Kanuri (which is SOV with case-marking suffixes and postpositions) and all the Chadic languages (which are SVO with no overt case-marking and prepositions), many grammatical markers and even constructions have worked their way from Kanuri into the Chadic languages. These include a number of topicalizing particles, clause final conjunctions, and adjectives or adverbs that have been reanalyzed in the Chadic languages as clause initial operators that scope over an entire clause.

2012 (A122) Graham Furniss & Russell G. Schuh. "Hausa poetry." In Roland Greene, et al. (eds.), The Princeton Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics, 4th edition, pp. 596-597.  Princeton & Oxford:  Princeton University Press.

[Metrics] This is a brief (one page) encyclopedia article describing the various genres of Hausa poetry andaspects of the quantitative system of metrics that is found in all Hausa poetry. The article lists a number of the more notable Hausa poets and singers and references to collections of poetry/song and writings on Hausa poetry.

2012 (D6) Russell G. Schuh & Alhaji Maina Gimba. "Quantification of expressions of duration in Bole and other Chadic languages." In Thomas Graf, Denis Paperno, Anna Szabolcsi & Jos Tellings, eds.  Theories of Everything, pp. 389-393.  UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics, Volume 17.

[Chadic descriptive] Whereas English and many other languages quantify duration by introducing quantifiers into adverbial phrases containing nouns, Bole and many (most? all?) Chadic languages do this by expressing duration as a predicate which is directly quantified. Thus, instead of saying, "I worked in Paris for two years," Bole and other Chadic languages say (literally translated), "I yeared two I was working in Paris."

2013 (ms) "An impertinent account of Korean vowels." Manuscript, UCLA.

[Korean descriptive] My observations of the Korean vowel system do not jibe with standard descriptions in a number of respects. Most notably (1) I see/hear no evidence that Korean has (or has ever had) front rounded vowels as part of its phonemic vowel inventory, and (2) I hear the vowel written as schwa in phonetic descriptions, as "e" in the Yale system, and as "eo" in the national Korean system as a low, back rounded vowel for all speakers that I have ever heard, contrary to implications that it is phonollogically a mid central unrounded vowel. Moreover, historical relationship of the Middle Korean vowel system and the standard layout of modern Korean vowels doesn't make sense. This paper is my attempt to make some sense of these facts.

2013 (A123) "Word families in Hausa." In Ozo-mekuri Ndimele, Mustapha Ahmad & Hafizu Miko Yakasai (eds.), Language, Literature & Culture in a Multilinguatl Society:  a Festschrift for Abubaka Rasheed, pp. 579-598.  Port Harcourt, Nigeria:  M & J Orbit Communications Ltd.

[Chadic descriptive and historical] Hausa is one of the best studied languages of Africa and is endowed with four or five excellent dictionaries, yet very little etymological work has been done on Hausa other than inclusion of Hausa words in comparative Chadic wordlists. This paper uses internal and comparative reconstruction as well as known sound changes and morphological processes to identify a number of "word families" deriving from particular roots but obscured by layers of language change.

in progress (ms). Chapters from a forthcoming descriptive grammar of Bole. Manuscript, UCLA.

[Chadic descriptive] In an ongoing project, I am working with Dr. Alhaji Maina Gimba on a comprehensive descriptive grammar of Bole, a West Chadic language of northeastern Nigeria. The style of this grammar is modeled after Paul Newman's The Hausa Language, An Encyclopedic Reference Grammar, with relatively short chapters, each describing a specific aspect of phonology, morphology, or syntax. Each chapter can be read essentially as a stand-alone paper covering a particular topic. I am posting completed chapters and revisions of chapters as they are ready.

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Downloadable papers listed by theme

For an abstract of content, find the paper in the list above by date.

Descriptive writings on Chadic languages

1971 (A1). "Verb forms and verb aspects in Ngizim."  Journal of African Languages 10:47-60.
1971 (ms). "Ngizim phonology" Manuscript, UCLA.
1972 (B01). "Aspects of Ngizim syntax." PhD dissertation, UCLA.
1972 (ms). "Ngizimicae lingvae principia." Manuscript, UCLA.
late 1970's (ms). "Western Bade Phonology." Manuscript, UCLA.
late 1970's (ms). "Western Bade verbal morphology." Manuscript, UCLA.
late 1970's (ms). "Western Bade nominal morphology." Manuscript, UCLA.
1975 (A13).  "Nunation and gender in Bade."  Afrika und Übersee 58:106-119.
1977 (A20). "Bade/Ngizim determiner system." Afro-asiatic Linguistics 4(3):101-174.
1977 (A24). "Bade/Ngizim vowels and syllable structure." Studies in African Linguistics 9:247-283.
1978 (A27). Bole/Tangale Languages of the Bauchi Area (Northern Nigeria).  Marburger Studien zur Afrika- und Asienkunde, Serie A, Band 14.  Berlin:  Verlag von Dietrich Reimer.
1981 (A33). A Dictionary of Ngizim. Berkeley & Los Angeles: UC Press.
1981 (A35). "Using dialect geography to determine prehistory: a Chadic case study." Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 3:201-250.
1983 (A44). "Kilba equational sentences." Studies in African Linguistics 14:311-326.
1984 (B22). "Données de la langue gidar (ma kad'a)."   Manuscript, UCLA.
1989 (A52). "Gender and number in Miya." In Z. Frajzyngier (ed.), Current Progress in Chadic Linguistics, pp. 171-181.  Current Issues in Linguistic Theory, 62.  Amsterdam:  Benjamins.
1989 (A55). "The reality of Hausa ‘LOW TONE RAISING’:  a response to Newman & Jaggar." Studies in African Linguistics 20:253-262.
1992 (B27). "The non-existence of internal-a plurals in Hausa."  Paper presented at the 23rd Annual Conference on African Linguistics, Michigan State University, March 26-29, 1992.
1998 (A66). A Grammar of Miya. University of California Publications in Linguistics, Volume 130. Berkeley: UC Press.
2001 (A71). "Miya as a West Chadic language with V...S word order." In Dymitr Ibriszimow, Rudolf Leger and Uwe Seibert (ed.), Von Aegypten zum Txchadsee.  Eine linguistische Reise durch Afrika, pp. 435-449  Festschrift für Herrmann Jungraithmayr zum 65. Geburtstag.
2001 (A73). Russell G. Schuh and Lawan Danladi Yalwa. "Marking previous and implied reference in Hausa:  -N/-R and DI-N." Harsunan Nijeriya 19:1-10.
2001 (D1). Russell G. Schuh & Alhaji Maina Gimba. "Substantive and anaphoric 'thing' in Bole with remarks on Hausa abu/abin."In Harold Torrence (ed.), Papers in African Linguistics 1, UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics 6, pp. 90-122, Los Angeles: UCLA Department of Linguistics.
2001 (ms). "Sources of gemination and gemination as a morpheme in Bole." (Paper presented at ACAL 32, UC Berkeley, March 2001. Submitted for proceedings, but it looks like they never appeared.)
2002 (B34). "Voicing dissimilation in Western Bade." Manuscript, UCLA.
2002 (ms). "The locus of pluractional reduplication in West Chadic."  Manuscript, UCLA.
2003 (D2). "The functional unity of the Hausa and West Chadic subjunctive." In Jason Kandybowicz (ed.), Papers in African Linguistics 3, UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics 9, pp. 17-42. Los Angeles: UCLA Department of Linguistics.
2005 (A105). Russell G. Schuh and Alhaji Maina Gimba. "Low Tone Raising in Bole." Afrika und Übersee 88:229-264.
2005 (D3). "Degemination, compensatory lengthening, and gemination in Gudi Ngamo."  In Jeffrey Heinz, Andrew Martin, and Katya Pertsova (eds.), Papers in Phonology 6, pp. 1-11.  UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics, 11.  Los Angeles:  UCLA Department of Linguistics.
2005 (ms). "The Totality Extension and focus in West Chadic."  Manuscript, UCLA.
2007 (A98). "Bade morphology."  In Alan S. Kaye (ed.), Morphologies of Asia and Africa, pp. 587-639. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns.
2008 (D4). "Shooting through the nose in Karekare: a study of nasally released stops in Chadic."  Department of Linguistics, UCLA. Working Papers in Phonetics. Paper 3_No107. Pages 56-73.
2009 (ms). "Ngamo tones and clitics."  Manuscript UCLA.
2009 (ms). "Pluractional verbal morphology in Gudi Ngamo."  Manuscript, UCLA.
in progress (ms). Chapters from a forthcoming descriptive grammar of Bole. Manuscript, UCLA.
2009 (A106) with Umaru Mamu Goge and Jibir Audu Janga Dole. "-ish Reduplication in Gudi Ngamo."  In Samuel Gyasi Obeng (ed.), Topics in Descriptive and African Linguistics:  Essays in Honor of Distinguished Professor Paul Newman, pp. 81-95.  Muenchen:  LINCOM Europa.
2010 (ms) with Elisha Shalanguwa. Bura-English Hausa Dictionary. Manuscript UCLA.
2010 (ms) with Vaziya Ciroma Tilde Miya. Miya-English-Hausa Dictionary. Manuscript UCLA.
2010 (D5) with Alhaji Maina Gimba and Amanda Ritchart. "Bole intonation." UCLA Working papers in Phonetics, No. 108. Pages 226-248.
2011 (A121) "Grammatical influences of Kanuri on Chadic languages of Yobe State." In Doris Löhr, Eva Rothmaler & Georg Ziegelmeyer, eds.  Kanuri, Borno and Beyond, Current Studies on the Lake Chad Region, pp. 137-154.  Köln:  Rüdiger Köppe Verlag.
2012 (D6) Russell G. Schuh & Alhaji Maina Gimba. "Quantification of expressions of duration in Bole and other Chadic languages." In Thomas Graf, Denis Paperno, Anna Szabolcsi & Jos Tellings, eds.  Theories of Everything, pp. 389-393.  UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics, Volume 17.

Descriptive linguistic writings other than Chadic

1976 (ms). Kanuri Structure. Manuscript, UCLA.
1995 (A60). "Aspects of Avatime phonology."   Studies in African Linguistics 24:31-67.
1995 (A61). "Avatime noun classes and concord."   Studies in African Linguistics 24:123-149.
2006 (ms). with Jieun Kim. "Tone and accent in South Kyengsang Korean nouns."  Manuscript, UCLA.
2007 (ms). with Jieun Kim. "South Kyengsang tones and pitch accent."  Manuscript, UCLA.
2010 (ms) with Jieun Kim. "Tone and accent in South Kyengsang Korean verbs." Manuscript, UCLA.
2013 (ms) "An impertinent account of Korean vowels." Manuscript, UCLA.

Historical writings on Chadic languages

1971 (A02). "Reconstruction of the syntax of subject emphasis in certain Chadic languages." Papers from the Second Conference on African Linguistics, UCLA, March 26-27, 1971, pp. 67-77. Studies in African Linguistics, Supplement 2.
1972 (A04). "Rule inversion in Chadic." Studies in African Linguistics. 3:379-397.
1975 (A13).  "Nunation and gender in Bade."  Afrika und Übersee 58:106-119.
1975 (A14).  "Bode, Ngo:djin and Do:ai in the Polyglotta Africana."  African Languages/Langues africaines 1:290-299.
1976 (A17). "The history of Hausa nasals." I n L.M. Hyman et al. (eds.), Papers in African Linguistics in Honor of Wm E. Welmers, pp 221-232.  Studies in African Linguistics, Supplement 6.
1977 (A21). "West Chadic verb classes." In P. Newman and R.M. Newman (eds.), Papers in Chadic Linguistics, pp 143-167.  Leiden:  Afrika-Studiecentrum.
1977 (A24). "Bade/Ngizim vowels and syllable structure." Studies in African Linguistics 9:247-283.
1980 (A32). "Paradigmatic displacement."  In J. Fisiak (ed.), Historical Morphology, pp. 349-358. Trends in Linguistics, Studies and Monographs, 17. The Hague: Mouton.
1981 (A34). "An early nineteenth century Chadic wordlist:  Kallaghee." Africana Marburgensia 14(2):43-54.
1981 (A35). "Using dialect geography to determine prehistory: a Chadic case study." Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 3:201-250.
1982 (A43). "The Hausa language and its nearest relatives." Harsunan Nijeriya 12:1-24.
1983 (A42). "The evolution of determiners in Chadic." In E. Wolff and H. Meyer-Bahlberg (eds.), Studies in Chadic and Afroasiatic Linguistics, pp. 157-210.  Hamburg:  Helmut Buske Verlag.
1984 (A45). "West Chadic vowel correspondences."   In J. Bynon (ed.), Current Progress in Afroasiatic Linguistics:  Papers of the Third International Hamito-Semitic Congress, pp. 167-223.  Amsterdam:  Benjamins.
1990 (A53). "Re-employment of grammatical morphemes in Chadic:  Implications for language history."  In P. Baldi (ed.), Linguistic Change and Reconstruction Methodology, pp. 599-618.  Trends in Linguistics, Studies and Monographs, 45.  Berlin & New York:  Mouton de Gruyter.
1992 (B27). "The non-existence of internal-a plurals in Hausa."  Paper presented at the 23rd Annual Conference on African Linguistics, Michigan State University, March 26-29, 1992.
1996 (A62). Review of Jungraithmayr & Ibriszimow, Chadic Lexical Roots: Volume I. "Tentative reconstruction, grading, distribution and comments"; Volume II. "Documentation".  Afrika und Übersee 79:129-135.
1997 (B33). "Changes in obstruent voicing in Bade/Ngizim." Manuscript, UCLA.
2000 (ms). "On the origin of the Hausa 'relative' aspects and the 'stabilizer'."   Manuscript, UCLA.
2001 (A70). "Shira, Teshena, Auyo:  Hausa's (former) eastern neighbors." Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 16/17:387-435.
2001 (A71). "Miya as a West Chadic language with V...S word order." In Dymitr Ibriszimow, Rudolf Leger and Uwe Seibert (ed.), Von Aegypten zum Txchadsee.  Eine linguistische Reise durch Afrika, pp. 435-449Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, LIII, 3. Würzburg: Ergon Verlag.
2001 (ms). "*r > y in Hausa as a Silbenauslautgesetz." Manuscript, UCLA.
2001 (ms). "Sources of gemination and gemination as a morpheme in Bole." (Paper presented at ACAL 32, UC Berkeley, March 2001. Submitted for proceedings, but it looks like they never appeared.)
2002 (A78). "Palatalization in West Chadic."   Studies in African Linguistics, 31:97-128.
2002 (ms). "The locus of pluractional reduplication in West Chadic."  Manuscript, UCLA.
2003 (A79). "Chadic overview."   In Selected Comparative-Historical Afrasian Linguistic Sudies in Memory of Igor M. Diakonoff, M. Lionel Bender, Gabor Takacs, and David L. Appleyard (eds.), Lincom Europa, pp. 55-60.
2003 (A80). "A comparative study of West Chadic verb suffixes."  In Selected Comparative-Historical Afrasian Linguistic Sudies in Memory of Igor M. Diakonoff, M. Lionel Bender, Gabor Takacs, and David L. Appleyard (eds.), Lincom Europa, pp. 71-86.
2003 (A81). "The Linguistic influence of Kanuri on Bade and Ngizim."  Maiduguri Journal of Linguistic and Literary Studies (MAJOLLS) 5:55-89.
2005 (B35). "Internal reconstruction of the Totality Extension *t in Gudi Ngamo." Manuscript, UCLA.
2005 (ms). "The Great Ngamo Tone Shift."  Manuscript, UCLA.
2005 (ms). "Yobe State, Nigeria as a linguistic area."  Manuscript, UCLA.
2008 (A104). "Finding cognates in West Chadic."  In Gábor Takács (ed.), Semito-Hamitic Festschrift for A.B. Dolgopolsky and H. Jungraithmayr, pp. 272-283.  Berlin: Dietrich  Reimer.
2011 (A120) "Grammatical influences of Kanuri on Chadic languages of Yobe State." In Doris Löhr, Eva Rothmaler & Georg Ziegelmeyer, eds.  Kanuri, Borno and Beyond, Current Studies on the Lake Chad Region, pp. 137-154.  Köln:  Rüdiger Köppe Verlag.
2013 (A123) "Word families in Hausa." In Ozo-mekuri Ndimele, Mustapha Ahmad & Hafizu Miko Yakasai (eds.), Language, Literature & Culture in a Multilinguatl Society:  a Festschrift for Abubaka Rasheed, pp. 579-598.  Port Harcourt, Nigeria:  M & J Orbit Communications Ltd.

Historical linguistic writings other than Chadic

1975 (A15). "Kandin in the Polyglotta Africana:  two languages in one."  African Languages/Langues africaines 1:300-305.
1997 (A64). "The use and misuse of language in the study of African history."   Ufahamu 25(1):36-81.

Metrics

1988 (A48). "Préalable to a theory of Hausa poetic meter." In G. Furniss and P.J. Jaggar (eds.), Studies in Hausa Language and Linguistics in Honour of F.W. Parsons, pp. 218-235.  London:  Kegan Paul International.
1988 (A54). "The meter of Imfiraji." Harsunan Nijeriya 14:60-70.
1989 (A51). "Toward a metrical analysis of Hausa verse prosody:  Mutadaarik." In I. Haïk and L. Tuller (eds.), Current Approaches to African Linguistics, Vol 6, pp. 161-175.  Dordrecht:  Foris Publications.
1994 (ms). "Text and performance in Hausa metrics."   Manuscript, UCLA.
1995 (ms, A77). "The metrics of three Hausa songs on marriage by Dan Maraya Jos."  Manuscript, UCLA.
1999 (A67). "Metrics of Arabic and Hausa poetry."   In Paul F. A. Kotey (ed.), New Dimensions in African Linguistics and Languages, Trends in African Linguistics 3, Trenton and Asmara: Africa World Press, Inc.
2001 (ms). "The metrics of a Bole song style, kona."   Manuscript, UCLA.
2010 (ms). "The form and metrics of Ngizim songs."  Manuscript UCLA.
2011 (A120) "Quantitative metrics in Chadic and other Afroasiatic languages." Brill's Annual of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 3:202-235.

Reviews, encyclopedia articles, etc.

1974 (A05) Review of Ernest T. Abdel-Massih, Tamazight Verb StructureAmerican Anthropologist 76:452-453.
1977 (A22) Review of Bruce L. Liles, An Introduction to Linguistics.  Language 53:493-494.
1978 (A25) Review of A.M. Al-Kasimi, Linguistics and Bilingual Dictionaries.  Language 54:236-237.
1978 (A26) Review of H. Jungraithmayr and W.J.G. Möhlig, Einführung in die Hausa-Sprache (Kursus für Kolleg und Sprachlabor).  Language 54:246-247.
1979 (A28) Review of R. Anttila, Analogy.  The Modern Language Journal 63:233-234.
1979 (A29) Review of R.C. Steiner, The Case for Fricative-Laterals in Proto-Semitic.  Language 55:256.
1979 (A30) Review of T.M. Johnstone, Harsusi Lexicon and English:  Harsusi Word-List.  Language 55:747-748.
1980 (A31) Review of H. Jungraithmayr and J.-P. Caprile (eds.), Cinq textes tchadiques and J.-P. Caprile and H. Jungraithmayr (eds.), Préalables à la réconstruction du proto-tchadique.  Language 56:666-669.
1982 (A36) Review of J. Culler, Ferdinand de Saussure.  Language 58:725-726.
1982 (A37) Review of P. Davies, Roots.  Language 58:726. 
1982 (A38, A38, A40) Review of C. Ebobissé, Die Morphologie des Verbs im Ost-Dangaleat (Guéra, Tschad).  Afroasiatic Linguistics 8(4):30-31; Review of H. Jungraithmayr (ed.), Struktur und Wandel afrikanischer Sprachen.  Afroasiatic Linguistics 8(4):31-32; Review of C.H. Kraft, Chadic Word Lists.  Afroasiatic Linguistics 8(4):33.
1988 (A49) Review of E. Wolff, A Grammar of the Lamang Language (Gwad' Lamang)BSOAS 51:388-389.
1994 (A56) “William E. Welmers (1916-88).”  In R.E. Asher and J.M.Y. Simpson (eds.), The Encyclopedia of Languages and Linguistics, pp. 4969-4970.  Oxford and New York:  Pergamon Press.
1996 (A63) Review of Dymitr Ibriszimow and Alhaji Maina Gimba (ed.), Bole language and documentation unit (BOLDU), Report I Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 59(3).
1998 (A65) Review of Irmtraud Herms, Wörterbuch Hausa-Deutsch.  Journal of African Languages and Linguistics 19(2):183-186.
2001 (A69) “Welmers, William E. (1916-88).”  John F.A. Sawyer, J.M.Y. Simpson, R.E. Asher (eds.), Concise Encyclopedia of Language and Religion, pp. ??.  Amsterdam and New York:  Elsevier Science Limited.
2002 (A74) Review of Bernd Heine and Derek Nurse, African Languages:  an Introduction General Linguistics 39:97-103.
2010 (A119) "Review of Zygmunt Frajzyngier A Grammar of Gidar." Afrika und Übersee 91:119-136.
2012 (A122) Graham Furniss & Russell G. Schuh. "Hausa poetry." In Roland Greene, et al. (eds.), The Princeton Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics, 4th edition, pp. 596-597.  Princeton & Oxford:  Princeton University Press.

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